「ゲシュタポは健在」 他

Rebranding Hate in the Age of Obama
With an African-American president and the economy in bad shape, extremist groups are trying to enter the mainstream—and they're having some success.

By Eve Conant | NEWSWEEK
Published Apr 25, 2009
From the magazine issue dated May 4, 2009

His Web site includes careful statements about nonviolence, green energy and women's rights. But among his ideological kin, Robb equates minorities to fleas and favors a program for "voluntary resettlement" to home countries. Illegal immigrants, as well as blacks serving time in prison, should be deported, he says. "Why is it that when a black man wants to preserve his culture and heritage it's a good thing, and when a white person wants the same thing, we're called haters?" he says.

His Web site includes careful statements about nonviolence, green energy and women's rights. But among his ideological kin, Robb equates minorities to fleas and favors a program for "voluntary resettlement" to home countries. Illegal immigrants, as well as blacks serving time in prison, should be deported, he says. "Why is it that when a black man wants to preserve his culture and heritage it's a good thing, and when a white person wants the same thing, we're called haters?" he says.

This spring, the Southern Poverty Law Center released its annual "Year in Hate" report, which outlines that in 2008 the number of hate groups rose to 926, up 4 percent from 2007, and 54 percent since 2000. (The SPLC doesn't measure the number of members in the groups.) An April Homeland Security intelligence report states that "the economic downturn and the election of the first African-American president present unique drivers for right-wing radicalization and recruitment." Home foreclosures, unemployment and an inability to obtain credit "could create a fertile recruiting environment," the briefing adds, and extremist groups are aiming to "broaden their scope and appeal through propaganda.


Community cohesion is alive and well – no thanks to the government


In truth, the "us and them" attitude was directed not so much at minority neighbours, but at the authorities themselves



Sources of resentment, and perceptions of ethnic
minorities among poor white people in England
Report compiled for the


Runcorn/Widnes has virtually no history of immigration, Castle Vale is a relatively white area of a city in which 30 per cent of the population are black and minority ethnic, and Thetford
has a recent experience of European migrants (notably Portuguese and Polish workers).
6 | Sources of resentment, and perceptions of ethnic minorities among poor white people in England
In terms of development, the sites also differed: we found that in those where social and
environmental conditions were better, there was, as a general rule, less apparent hostility
to minorities.


The pattern seemed to be that morale was lowest and therefore identityrelated
anxieties at their highest, where the material conditions (housing and economics)
were worst.


By far the most frequent context for referring to ethnic minorities is that of perceived
competition for resources -typically housing, but also employment, benefits, territory
and culture.


A woman in Runcorn says: ‘… you’ve now got towns which were predominantly white
and now they’re not. And you’re expected to get on and not cause any waves, not look at
people differently and be accepting. But at the same time how can you be accepting when
they’re taking your house off you?’


‘they seem to be getting
what we’ve worked all our lives for and can’t get’. This was interpreted as especially unfair
when contrasted with the ‘elderly who haven’t got anything, can’t afford to pay heating,
worked all their lives and get nothing’, and with ‘single mums who have to live in hostels’,
while ‘foreigners are in nice cars and have big houses’. Indeed, many stories pursue the
theme of resources being ‘given away’ to minorities

 白人の老人が寒い部屋で過ごし、一生懸命働いて何もしてもらえない、シングルマザーはホステルで夜を過ごしているというのに 外国人は言い車にのって、大きな家にすんじゃってさっ!!てな感じの不満

This meant that in three of the four sites, immigration and integration were
scarcely perceived as local issues at all


What people do talk about however is a struggle for resources in which one arena is the
importance of whiteness as a resource: for granting entitlement, for providing solidarity
against a multicultural environment in which many feel uncomfortable or have lost their
cultural bearings. These stories are told about what is seen as; unfair competition for
housing and employment; the privileging of ‘foreign’ cultures over British ones; and the
transformation of places from what our interviewees understand as recognisably British
ones into what they deem strange ones. This is still about ‘race’ because it is speaking
about bodies through culture, in a model where cultures are unchanging and wholly
separate from each other.


Where immigration and integration are discussed in depth as problematic, there is a
focus on real or perceived competition for resources; housing, benefits, jobs, territory and
national culture. The implications of this for the political capital that can be accrued by
the Far-right are very grave. Our white interviewees’ responses to minorities are far from
universally negative. In fact everything from indifference, through empathy, a desire for more and better engagement, to anxiety was registered in these interviews.


‘I think with immigration ... I’m not a racist or anything like that. Don’t get me
wrong, but I think that erm ... they’re allowing too many immigrants in. I mean the
government have admitted themselves that they can’t ... that they don’t know how
many people are coming in, and the reason why I say that is that we just haven’t got
the infrastructure to deal with these huge influxes of people.


‘Foreigners get handed everything on a bloody plate’, says one man in Milton Keynes:
‘We can’t afford to keep ourselves, so how can we afford to keep every bloody
foreigner that is coming in.



A typical view was that those responsible for housingallocation should ‘look after their own first’ (Man, 20s; Woman, 30s). A 21 year-old Milton
Keynes man, who had to move away from the Coffee Hall estate as he was informed that
there is not enough housing available there comments acidly: “The housing list is too long.
I would have to be black, foreign or have a baby to get up there’.


Polish migrant workers have settled here, which has created some unease.
However the comparatively low level of immigration to this area did not stop many of the
respondents having a view of immigration on a national level and expressing their fear of
the ‘potential threat’ it poses to a ‘nice area’:
‘I mean if you’re in Shopping City and you see a lady in a gown, you do actually look
twice. It’s still so unusual for us […] It’s still quite a decent place to live, Runcorn. And I
think we should have pride in it’ (Woman, 60s, Runcorn and Widnes).


According to Thetford respondents, employment is difficult to obtain because the
Portuguese and Polish work longer hours for less money, which in turn keeps local wages
down and makes ‘locals’ less attractive prospects for employers. Employers will ‘take them
on rather than the English’ because its ‘cheap money’ (Woman, 50s). As one respondent
commented, the Polish and Portuguese will ‘do any job and no wage is too small’
(Woman, 30s).


The main two arguments used are the ‘when in Rome’ one (people who come
here must adapt to ‘our way of life’); and the necessity for contributing in order to earn
membership. This earning process can be undergone by something as simple as joining in
community activities, or by making wider efforts to integrate, or paying into the welfare
In Thetford-Abbey, the ‘when in Rome’ argument was used when discussing integration
of the Polish and Portuguese, who should ‘live by our standards’ if living here. This is seen
as a fair requirement because ‘we have to if we go to their countries’ (Woman, 30s).


For most, simple gestures such as smiling, nodding
or exchanging brief greetings were indications that the Portuguese and Polish were


In Milton Keynes, there were a number of vocal critiques of perceived failure to mix on
the part of minorities: ‘I have found that there are a lot of Africans on the Estate’, says one
woman (50s), ‘and they don’t seem to mix ... I work in the shop and they are very ignorant,
never say “please” or “thank you, and I don’t like that. You know, it doesn’t cost anything
to have manners’.
Indeed, the onus for integration in these perspectives, as found elsewhere in previous
research, lies entirely with immigrants:
‘This is our country and we were kind enough to let them in. In their country we
couldn’t dress like this, we would have to respect their ways, but they don’t respect
us and our ways. The younger people do, but now they want to have Sharia laws ...
they should adopt our ways’ (Woman, 60s).



One person in Castle Vale experiences the possibility of getting something wrong as a
reason for avoiding particular areas:
‘Perhaps I need to work harder in understanding the different cultures and things
like that, but there’s things that I see when I’m driving around Birmingham that I
think ... that shouldn’t be happening ... There’s these areas that have completely
been took over ... and you do feel very uneasy. Not just me, and I only drive into

Section 4 Immigration and minorities | 25
these areas, never actually walk into these areas, I just wouldn’t. Just in case I did do
something that I ... because of their culture or their religion it was a threat or it was
... an insult or something, because we don’t understand ... the British people don’t
really understand. And all of a sudden we’ve got to try and understand all these
different things that have been thrown at us. And I think it’s very, very difficult for a
lot of people. (Man, 40s)

He talks of a few incidents that have occurred over previous years including a road sign in
an area with a high Asian population, on which was sprayed the phrase ‘No Whites after
8.30’. These ‘no-go areas’ according to him are mirrored by Castle Vale, a place where he
feels safe but others would not dare go:
‘so these are out little havens, places like Castle Vale, and it’s about 90% white in this
community, and it’s just such a relief you know. Even though there’s people out there
that would be terrified to come to Castle Vale, we can’t wait to get back to it’.


Some respondents had experienced rudeness from the
few migrants in their area:
‘Its annoying when you get lots of them (immigrants) just walking together, having
a conversation in their own language. But they just stick in their routine and they
walk where their going. They don’t believe in moving over for you, put it that way’
(Woman, Runcorn and Widnes, 70s).

In Runcorn and Widnes, there were a few people who expressed the unfairness that was
being imposed on the people by government as their own fault for being weak and putting
up with it:
‘No, first things first, look after the indigenous people. Because basically in France, in
Spain, […] the Governments, they do look after their own people there. There’d be
people on the street with banners and it wouldn’t just be half a dozen. It would be
mass’ (Woman, Runcorn and Widnes, 60s).


Another facet of this type of experience is the perceived advantage for minorities given
them by the existence of legislation against racism and the organisational structure that
surrounds them:
‘They’ve, they’ve got the Race Relations Officer at the Milton Keynes Council. They
can phone him, or her, or whoever it is and say ‘well, look the white man down the
road is calling my son names’. You get a letter then, to say that you’re a ... racist. But
we’re not!! We’re not! We’re trying to stick up for ourselves. We are white, we are ...
this is our country, and as they are coming in they should be taught, there should be
said ‘alright, what can you offer, how do you feel ... living among white people? Will
it be, you know, a hindrance? Will you be able to get on with your neighbours if they
are white?’ And if not, they shouldn’t be allowed to come’ (Woman, 60s).


‘I took this taxi and he was a Somalian and he said he was given £7,000 to buy a taxi... And
then the council say ‘it doesn’t happen’... Nobody minds these people coming and living
here, but it’s when they get treated better, that’s where the resentment starts’
(Woman, 40s, Milton Keynes).


A man in Castle Vale (40s) related a lost relationship to Britishness. His grandfather had
died recently, and he had spent time talking to him in his final weeks and going through his
‘suitcase full of memories’. The grandfather fought at D-Day. In 1945, he argues, there was
a ‘necessary national identity’. The pictures showed only ‘white British soldiers’, who were
given prayers and psalms (as there were only two religions) before the invasion. Over the
last century, Britain has experienced an influx of people from other countries. His family has
thus moved from a strong identification with the country, to the idea that ‘British’ is only a
passport in three generations.

 移民のせいで、イギリスの独自性(necessary national identity, Britishness)が失われ、それをなつかしむ声やら、あるが、しかし、

The idea that underneath the cosmetic differences is a common humanity was often put
‘We are all humans, we are all equal, the same, really. I mean, we all have the same
colour blood, so really I don’t think that one is better than the other. I mean, when a
certain group comes over, they are alienated, and you have only got to know them
and give them a chance...’ (Woman, 40s, Milton Keynes).
‘I think you should ignore the fact that they are Polish, coloured, Chinese or what.
At the end of the day, they’re flesh and blood like anybody else, and you’d just treat
‘em like you would… irrespective of what religion or what colour they are, you just
treat them as you would treat your next door neighbour’ (Woman, 50s, Runcorn/


On the question of how people behave in foreign countries, the following respondent
was not the only one to hint that the British are not the best at integrating when they go
‘We as white people are just as guilty as the Poles, right? You look around at how many
ex-pat communities there are around the world. We do exactly the same. We go in to
places like Dubai and we go to Spain and we set up these little communities and it’s like
all Brits live here. So we’re just as guilty of it’ (Man, 40s, Runcorn and Widnes).


Indeed, the policy problems are not universally and unquestioningly taken for granted:
‘It’s almost like been blown out of proportion by the media’ argues one Birmingham man
(20s), and they’re basically saying ‘These are bad people. This is such and such’. And they’re
demonising people’. Moreover there is a level of understanding that some of the people
who’ve come to Britain in recent years as asylum-seekers have ‘had horrific lives, but they
are trying to get on with it here’ (Woman, Castle Vale, 40s).


While for some, integration is something unachievable (“not in my lifetime” Woman, 50s,
Milton Keynes); ‘It will never be possible. But that’s me. I think other people could do that...’
(Man, 20s, Milton Keynes), others have come up with a few practical suggestions, such as
enhancing communication between communities:
‘Communication is the key to everything. If people in general would become more
communicated, they would see that they are ‘us’, or actually we are ‘them’. A lot
of the time... no one does really understand anyone, unless you’re that close. It’s all
about understanding... even down to their beliefs’ (Woman, 20s, Milton Keynes).

Children are also viewed as a means of engaging and being engaged with other cultures:
“If the parents would allow their children to mix as one, I think we wouldn’t have
any problems. That would be the next generation, and they would be growing up
knowing’ (Woman, 60s, Milton Keynes).


Contact and local solutions
The majority of the suggestions are based on the idea that integration is best served by
activities to which a variety of people are attracted.
‘Food, sports, music ... that’s what brings people together. Why would they want to
come to a meeting and talk about it?’ (Man, 50s, Castle Vale).
Indeed, often these three areas were noted as ones that interest everyone, and a ‘good
basis’ for integration


The polls looked at in the
NCF literature review (Garner, 2008) for example, suggest that more contact between
white UK and black and minority ethnic people at leisure and in the home are indicators of
more open attitudes, yet we are not sure which way round this relationship functions. Are
people with more open attitudes already more likely to seek such contact in the first place?
Opinion polls cannot tell us this, although the better empirical research might. Certainly,
most of the people living in the four sites we have examined here did not have much
contact outside the workplace with ethnic minorities, but this helps us understand neither
the histories of the places in which they live nor their own biographies. Our conclusion is to
acknowledge the importance of the local in shaping opinions, and to see the question of
contact as one that requires more fleshing out before it forms the basis of policy




Amnesty Intl May 24 Tokyo protest against Diet bills under deliberation to further police NJ residents

Posted by debito on April 29th, 2009



Snowman Says:
April 29th, 2009 at 9:35 am
The Gestapo is alive and well and operating in Japan! I’ll be glad when I finally get my Japanese passport and I can just forget about all this stuff.






*「日本人の配偶者等」「永住者の配偶者等」の在留資格の場合 配偶者の別居、死亡の際には14日以内に報告しなければならない(但し、この件につき英文日本文で内容が異なる。ーーー空)
外国人 妻が死亡しました
移民官 ご愁傷様です。日本から出て行って下さい。